HAITIAN GANG MEMBER WHO YELLED 'F*K TRUMP, I'M NOT GOING BACK TO HAITI' HAS BEEN DEPORTED. (PHOTO)

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  Haitian gang member who yelled 'F*k Trump, I'm not going back to Haiti' has been deported The Haitian gang member who went viral in a defiant ICE arrest video has been deported back to Haiti, nearly 19 months after he swore he would never go. Wisteguens Jean Quely Charles was removed on an ICE flight originating in Louisiana on September 10, the Department of Homeland Security confirmed. Charles went viral on January 22, 2025, when Fox News cameras captured his arrest in Massachusetts, just days into President Trump's second term. In the video, he shouted: "I'm not going back to Haiti... you feel me? F_*k Trump. Biden forever bro." DHS identifies Charles as a member of the Back Block Money Gang with 17 criminal convictions, including assault and battery on a public employee, assault with a dangerous weapon, resisting arrest, drug possession and distribution, and weapons charges. According to DHS, Charles had received Temporary Protected Status in 2013 un...

FROM GREEN CARD TO BLACKLIST: SOYINKA’S TUMULTUOUS U.S. JOURNEY. (PHOTO).


 From Green Card to Blacklist: Soyinka’s Tumultuous U.S. Journey


By Kazeem Ugbodaga


The revocation of Nobel Laureate, Prof. Wole Soyinka’s United States visa has reopened old debates about citizenship, protest, and the political tensions that define America’s relations with outspoken critics of its leadership. For many, this development marks the culmination of a long and uneasy relationship between the Nobel Laureate and the Donald Trump-era U.S. establishment, a relationship that began to unravel nearly a decade ago when Soyinka famously destroyed his Green Card in protest against Trump’s 2016 presidential victory.

Soyinka’s act of “Wolexit” was symbolic. It was his way of expressing disapproval of what he described as Trump’s divisive and discriminatory politics, a stance consistent with his lifelong record of moral resistance to authoritarianism and racial injustice. His protest, carried out on Thanksgiving Day in the U.S., drew global attention and polarised public opinion at home in Nigeria. To Soyinka, it was a simple act of conscience; to others, it was a needless gesture that blurred the line between personal conviction and political theatre.

Following that protest, Soyinka resumed travel to the U.S. under a regular B1/B2 visa, but the relationship between the literary icon and U.S. authorities never quite recovered. When, in 2025, the U.S. Consulate in Nigeria invited him for a visa “revalidation” interview, he refused, describing the timing and tone of the invitation as “suspect.” His decision was rooted not in fear, but in principle. Soyinka questioned the propriety of being asked to report to the consulate on September 11, a day he felt should be reserved for national mourning and reflection, not bureaucratic exercises.

Refusing to appear for the reinterview, Soyinka said he would not walk into any embassy run by a government he equated with “a white Idi Amin.” His choice of words, characteristically provocative, was aimed not at the American people but at a political culture he viewed as increasingly intolerant and morally confused. His refusal eventually led to a letter formally notifying him that his visa had been revoked permanently.

The Nobel Laureate’s reaction was measured but firm. “If they wish to cancel it, that is their business,” he told journalists at Freedom Park in Lagos. “I will not go there to help them do it.” That statement underscored his indifference to the privileges of access or status, a rare posture in a world where many cling tightly to Western endorsements. Soyinka’s stance was neither bitter nor vengeful; he made it clear that he would continue to receive Americans in his home and maintain personal relationships that transcended politics.

Critics, however, argue that Soyinka’s predicament was self-inflicted, the logical outcome of his confrontational rhetoric and open disdain for Trump’s leadership. They contend that in global diplomacy, symbolism has consequences. Yet to dismiss Soyinka’s protest as mere arrogance would be to ignore his lifelong commitment to conscience over convenience. From his imprisonment during Nigeria’s civil war to his opposition to successive military regimes, Soyinka has consistently demonstrated that moral conviction is, for him, not an accessory but a creed.

Beyond Soyinka’s individual case lies a broader question about the boundaries of political protest and the cost of dissent in a world dominated by polarised ideologies. His experience reflects the growing tension between state power and personal freedom, especially for public intellectuals who choose to challenge hegemonic narratives.

In fairness, the U.S. authorities acted within their sovereign right to determine visa eligibility. But in exercising that right, they have also reminded the world how easily political differences can translate into bureaucratic punishment. For many observers, the revocation of Soyinka’s visa may be legally sound but morally questionable, a decision that diminishes the moral stature of a nation once seen as the global champion of free thought.

Soyinka’s saga is ultimately not about a visa, but about dignity. It is about an aging intellectual refusing to bend to political winds, even when it costs him the convenience of mobility. Whether one agrees with his methods or not, his story reaffirms a timeless truth: that freedom of conscience often exacts a price, and that Wole Soyinka, at 91, remains willing to pay it.

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